“The definition of insanity,” Albert Einstein reportedly said, “is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results.”
When it comes to the Islamic Republic of
Iran
, the Biden administration would be wise to heed Einstein’s dictum. The United States should end its policy of appeasement. It can begin this month.
Since taking office, the Biden administration has relentlessly pursued rapprochement with Tehran, vowing to reenter the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), popularly known as the
Iran nuclear deal
. Tehran has been nonplussed. It initially dragged out negotiations with additional demands and earning concession after concession.
Waiving sanctions has been a key component of the Biden administration’s strategy to appease Iran. In February 2022, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken signed a waiver that restored the ability of foreign companies and other countries to participate in civilian nuclear projects without facing sanctions from Washington. Importantly, the waivers also applied to the export of enriched uranium and heavy water outside of Iran. Both materials are key to building a nuclear weapon.
A U.S. State Department report to the U.S. Congress claimed that the waivers would “help to close a deal on a mutual return to full implementation of the JCPOA and lay the groundwork for Iran’s return to the performance of its JCPOA commitments.” But that was nearly a year ago — and a lot has changed since then.
The Iranian people have been engaged in a brave revolt against their oppressive rulers. For months, Iranians have taken to the streets seeking the end of the regime. Many have been murdered and disfigured while the West has, writ large, offered limited sanctions and perfunctory condemnations. Indeed, the West has largely been unmoved. And thus far the Biden administration has been unwilling to take advantage of a strategic opportunity to punish a key ally of both Moscow and Beijing.
In August 2022, the White House notified Congress that it had renewed the waiver. This time, however, the State Department sounded less optimistic, asserting, “this is not a signal that we are about to reach an understanding on a mutual return to full implementation of the JCPOA.”
If it was a signal, it wasn’t enough for the mullahs. For several months, talks have been at a standstill. In leaked footage from a Nov. 3, 2022, appearance in California, President Joe Biden admitted that the JCPOA “is dead, but we are not going to announce it. Long story.” National security spokesman John Kirby later clarified that the president’s comments were “very much in line” with the administration’s position.
Kirby told the press: “We simply don’t see a deal coming together anytime soon, while Iran continues to kill its own citizens and is selling UAVs [unmanned aerial vehicles] to Russia.”
Tehran’s behavior hasn’t changed. Iran has long been listed as the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism. The regime has used Ukraine as a testing ground for drones that it plans to use against U.S. allies in the Middle East, such as Saudi Arabia and Israel. The ruling theocrats have continued to plan terrorist attacks throughout the world, including on U.S. soil. In the months since the August 2022 renewal, more evidence has emerged about Iranian plots to murder American public servants such as former national security adviser John Bolton and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, as well as dissidents and journalists like Masih Alinejad, who was targeted in her Brooklyn apartment.
Iran hasn’t changed, so U.S. policy must. And the Biden administration can begin by not renewing the waiver when it expires at the end of the month. Actions speak louder than words.
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Sean Durns is a senior research analyst for CAMERA, the 65,000-member, Boston-based Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting and Analysis. His views are his own.
